La fisura con Washington y el candidate Ebrard

The fissure caused by the consultations that will open around T-MEC, from the inconformity of the United States and Canada with some aspects of the energy policy of Mexico, creates uncertainty about the exercise of the energy policy. eje de esa politica ha sido la integración a la región de América del Norte, sin algunos balances de sexenios anteriores, como la active relación con Asia-Pacífico, y con una recuperación, casuística e inconstante, la constante, la constante, a nivel diplomático and ideological.

La fisura se pudo evitar y se podría manejar successtamento desde una perspectiva técnica, ya que que que claiman Estados y Canadás no es una cesion de sobrenía or, siquiera, una limitation de la vencióngéosstatene e encurréticónica. La lectura del diferendo en clave nationalista responds to an evident political and electoral calculation of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador and the official party.

The architect of the six-year foreign policy has been the chancellor Marcelo Ebrard, although the presidential diplomacy exercised by López Obrador has compensated or displaced some emphasis. Por ejemplo, Ebrard and the chancellery have been clear in rejecting the invasion of Russia against Ukraine, while the President has preferred ambiguity. En la agenda latinoamericana, los dos también han sido distintos: Ebrard has proyectado mayor realismo y pluralismo, y especial cercanía con Bolivia. El Presidente, en cambio, ha conducido una relación archaica, paternalista y sentimental con Cuba.

The recent tour of the chancellor Ebrard por países andinos, which must conclude with his assistance to the taking of possession of Gustavo Petro in Colombia, no es ajena a ese calendario. One of the central objectives of Ebrard in this tour is to sell the revival of the Pacific Alliance (Chile, Peru, Colombia and Mexico), a la que pronto se sumaría Costa Rica

The inevitable question is how will the dispute with the United States and Canada be processed in the middle of two electoral contexts, the one from there and the one from here, and from a precise calendar and negotiated with those governments, which includes the alima of the prtobiernos the visit of Joe Biden and Justin Trudeau in Mexico, in November of this year, to reaffirm the T-MEC agreements.

The recent tour of the chancellor Ebrard por países andinos, which must conclude with his assistance to the taking of possession of Gustavo Petro in Colombia, no es ajena a ese calendario. One of Ebrard’s central objectives in this tour is to sell the revival of the Pacific Alliance (Chile, Perú, Colombia and México), to which Costa Rica will soon be summarized, and which will also celebrate a Pémoximovico, and which will also celebrate a péxicovico. .

La Alianza del Pacífico was traditionally the United Nations’ foro abocado a la relación fluida con las potencias emergentes de Asia y, también, con Estados Unidos y Canada. The old Acuerdo de Asociación Transpacífico (TPP), which impelled Barack Obama and which Donald Trump rejected since his campaign, was supported in a successful way in the Pacific Alliance. El giro a la izquierda of the four central members of this forum, commentan Juan Pablo Prado Lallande and Thomas Legler in foreign affairs, should not alter the priority of deepening the relations between all the Pacific in the Unadoy, Estadoy, Estadoy, Canário relaciones asiatica

The architect of the six-year foreign policy has been the chancellor Marcelo Ebrard, although the presidential diplomacy exercised by López Obrador has compensated or displaced some emphasis. Por ejemplo, Ebrard and the chancellery have been clear in rejecting the invasion of Russia against Ukraine, while the President has preferred ambiguity. En la agenda Latin Americana, los dos también han cedo distantos

The form in which the energy difference is processed will be decisive for the candidacy of chancellor Ebrard. If the foreign policy of this sexenio is, in good measure, its legacy, its perception inside the dome and the bases of Morena would have to directly affect the formulation of the candidacy. Judging by the leaderships and fundamental media of the hegemonic Mexican left, however, there was never a full consensus on the diplomatic strategy followed in the six-year period.

Da la impresión de que el integraciónismo con Estados Unidos y Canada ha sido emprendido sin esporbo de amplios sectors de ese hegemónico bloque, que habría preferido una apuesta por alternative geopoliticas de la por alternativa geopoliticas de amplios, Rumozaiaan. Ebrard’s candidacy depends, in good measure, on whether this strategy survives in the next few months.