Lucha de classes, in electoral mode – Meczyki

The publications that EL FINANCIERO published this week about his presence in Coahuila, the state of Mexico and the city of Mexico reveal a very clear message that is showing the comics in the country: the infamous class

The most sought-after escorts competed in the three entities, with the state-of-the-art enterprise entering the alienza PAN-PRI-PRD and Morena-PVEM-PT in CDMX and Coahuila, and a venture for more points in Morenaex.

Analyzing a little more, I came across differences with the intensity of your social identity class of the people involved. In the third place, the media class with more than the PAN-PRI-PRD aliens, we know that the class with the same message more and more.

These differences for classes are not menors: in CDMX and Coahuila, the alienza PAN-PRI-PRD account with a 51-degree multiplier with the help of media, and 34 and 38 with the help of class baja, respectable 17 y 13 points percentuales.

In the Mexican state, it suffers from the same pattern: the class media prefers more than the alienza PAN-PRI-PRD, with 44 per cent, which is the alienza of Morena, which has 40 per cent. For his part, the class baja mexiquense se decanta con mayer claridad: 32 por ciento prefiere a la alianza Va por Mexico y una mayoría de 52 por ciento a Morena y sus aliados: la diferencia son 20 points.

There were misunderstandings, 56 per cent of the people involved in the capital of the country were classified as the same class as media and 42 per class as class music. In Coahuila, the proposals were 42 and 57 by chance, I felt that in Edomex the studio arroja 47 and 52 by chance.

This “lucha de classes” because of the electoral denominations of social and economic factors in the vote, but the fact that there is a lot more: this division of the class is just one aspect of the common sense of polarization. polarization in torno a cosmovisiones and valors; It is a polarization that abounds ideological differences and attitudes towards the 4T, as well as other sociopolitical identities that have been activated with the narrative of the President and his party.

For example, many criticisms and cases in the escalator of idealization and other genres may have differentiated many of the mercadas in your mind. Queens are more likely to prefer the center-direction to the alienza PAN-PRI-PRD at 69 and 65 per cent on Coahuila and Edomex, and 83 per cent on CDMX.

On the contrary, those who consider the center or center prefer the alienza of Morena at 59 for CDMX, and 62 and 63 for Edomex and Coahuila. If your class is fuerte, your ideal is more than that.

Because if it does, it will be favored or against the 4T is what divides actually actually the electorate. The check used this data from the Mexican city to respect: those who are in favor of the 4T, 82 for your vote for Morena and Aliados, and 10 for your PAN-PRI-PRD. There are those who are against the 4T, 76 to vote for the alien opponent and 13 to feel for Morena and the company. The 4T polarization is more about the ideology and the social class, but all of them are directly related.

The most curious thing is that the effect of the social class is observed with the aliens and not with the parted ones. On CDMX, Morena captures one of the most popular media classes in the PAN, but the PANAN-PRI-PRD subscribers to Morena and their aliens enter the media class.

The “lucha de classes” refers to the actual bipartisanism represented by the aliens. The vote is an expression of the social class, but, about all, the ideology and the postures of the President and his project. The 4T is the most important factor in your choice of nationals and states, and the class is a component of it. Now I have to analyze the rumbo in 2023 and 2024.